Copy of a letter sent to Prime Minister and leaders of political parties one week before the decision to abolish the Broadcasting Standards Authority

28 April 2026

Dear ……,

I have had a career in journalism and academia that stretches back six decades. In that time, I have been subject to media regulation, observed it in action, reviewed its activities, and had opportunities to compare it with regulation in other jurisdictions.

Now, a controversial determination by the Broadcasting Standards Authority has been a catalyst to calls for its abolition. These recent actions were preceded by the lodging of a private member’s bill also seeking closure of the regulatory body.

These calls are indications of a broadly held view that the BSA’s empowering legislation is no longer fit for purpose. Indeed, in the decision that led to the recent calls for its removal, the BSA itself acknowledged its own long-held view that it was impaired by anachronistic law.

Simple abolition, however, could have unintended consequences and, crucially, would include the removal of a statutory right of appeal currently available to the public (under s.18/19 of the Broadcasting Act) that is not available to Media Council complainants.

The BSA situation is merely a symptom of a much wider malaise: Our entire media and information regulatory system is a creature of the past. Neither statutory nor voluntary systems fully reflect the digital environment in which we live, and the most impactful parts of the system – transnational platforms – have minimal domestic oversight.

I urge your party to see the potential abolition of the BSA as not an isolated problem to be fixed, but as an inflexion point. It is time to put aside the puncture kit and to build a new vehicle.

The imperative for change is not a need to control media and public discourse. The need lies in recognising that the technological, political, and social environments in which we live are hazardous. The citizens who elected you and under whose mandate you govern are finding each of those environments imposing negative as well as positive impacts on their lives.

These environments are complex. They have large numbers of interacting components, and it is patently obvious that they are arranged asymmetrically. Transnational platforms have come to dominate the environment, while the smaller components of the information ecosystem are subject to the most oversight.

New Zealand media’s existing regulatory bodies, each predicated on form of distribution (BSA, NZ Media Council, Classifications Office, Netsafe) or function (Advertising Standards Authority, IAB NZ), are guided first and foremost by the limitation of harm. They are beset, however, by jurisdictional overlap, representational gaps, power differentials, and technological determinism.

Abolition of the Broadcasting Standards Authority will not solve any of those problems: It will simply conflate the problems a little.

There is now an urgent need for a complete reappraisal of our media regulatory systems – both statutory and voluntary – with the stated aim of providing New Zealanders with a new regulatory regime that will serve their needs in rapidly changing times.

I caution against the adoption of any proffered ‘solution’ in the hope of affecting a quick ‘fix’ to the ‘problem’ of the BSA. It is vital that any system which replaces the current multi-agency framework is the result of broad consultation and independent consideration. Only then can it be expected to enjoy wide support from the public whose interests it would be expected to serve. No imposed ‘solution’ would enjoy such support.

I therefore urge you to support the establishment of a public enquiry to consider the creation of a new media and communications regulatory system. Such a system should be founded upon public trust, the prevention of harm, and the balancing of free expression atop those two pillars. Public trust will be more readily accrued if members of the community invest in its creation by making submissions.

An enquiry – whether it be a department-led project or a Royal Commission – would require comprehensive direction to guide its deliberations. I would like to suggest the following areas of enquiry.

  • Rationale (guiding principles e.g. prevention of harm)
  • Scope (what types of activity should be regulated)
  • Form (type of authority: statutory crown entity/statute-endorsed independent body/voluntary body)
  • Structure (How a regulatory body or bodies should be organised)
  • Appointments (how members are appointed to adjudicating bodies)
  • Jurisdiction (what powers a regulator should have)
  • Limits (what limits should be placed on those powers)
  • Models (what examples may be found in overseas jurisdictions, suggested solutions such as that by David Harvey, and the extent to which the recommendations of the 2011 Law Commission enquiry may still be applicable).

It is in New Zealand’s interest that we foster a media system in which the actions of Parliament and the Executive can be accurately relayed to the public, and on which voters can make informed decisions. An accountable media system that reflects the nation to itself is one in which the public can reside its trust.

This letter is being sent to all Parliamentary political parties because I am convinced there is a growing danger of instability within our media systems that we must all address. I urge you and your colleagues to give the matter the prompt attention it increasingly requires.

I would, of course, welcome any opportunity to discuss the matter further.

Yours sincerely,

Dr Gavin Ellis ONZM MA PhD

Submission: Fair Digital News Bargaining Bill

Yesterday the Economic Development, Science and Innovation Select Committee heard submissions on the Fair Digital News Bargaining Bill. I made a written submission on the bill, which proposes a system under which New Zealand news organisations could negotiate with social media and search platforms for compensation for the use of news content. Here is my submission:

My name is Gavin Peter Ellis. I am a media researcher and consultant. I hold a doctorate in political studies and am an honorary research fellow at Koi Tū: Centre for Informed Futures at the University of Auckland. I have a background in news media stretching back more than fifty years.

I wish to make the following submission on the Fair Digital News Bargaining Bill.

The introduction of the Fair Digital News Bargaining Bill follows the adoption of measures by Australia and Canada to bring some balance to a playing field tipped on its end by the immense power of Alphabet (Google) and Meta (Facebook).

A Cabinet Paper on the New Zealand proposal stated: “The overwhelming feedback from the New Zealand media sector has been that in all respects of their commercial dealings with Google and Meta, news media organisations must accept ‘take in or leave it’ terms that are weighted in favour of the platforms. This inherently limits news media companies’ ability to negotiate about what is a fair return for their investment in news content.”

From my knowledge of the relationship between the platforms and New Zealand media, I would endorse this assessment but would add that there are some media entities with which the platforms simply refuse to engage. This is in spite of the fact that material produced and paid for by these entities is appropriated for use on the platforms.

The Cabinet paper also noted New Zealand companies had no ability to negotiate over issues such as changes to algorithms that affect the distribution of content. Since the paper was tabled, Facebook has, in fact, changed its algorithm affecting New Zealand news, resulting in a drop in page views across our news media.

The Bill proposes a bargaining code but there are alternatives that would be both more robust and would more accurately reflect the impact that search and social media platforms have had, and will continue to have, on vital news media services here.

Those alternatives include a levy on the New Zealand revenue of multinational digital platforms to produce a pool of funds to be distributed equitably to news media.  A ring-fenced revenue tax would nullify the platforms’ profit-minimising strategies in selected jurisdictions, such as New Zealand.

I submit that the alternatives should be preferred above attempts to strengthen the bargaining position of New Zealand media, simply because the power imbalance between the parties is too great and no agreements will reflect the relative impact on each party.

Search and social media platforms have gained such power that anything less than an impost on their commercial activity is unlikely to benefit the diverse forms of New Zealand news media, either sufficiently or equitably.

At the core of the proposed law is a framework for negotiation between the digital platforms and news media entities. The framework sets out timelines on negotiation, mediation, and final offer arbitration if required. There are definitions of what types of digital platform would be captured by the legislation. Unlike the Australian law, where a government minister designates which platforms will be included, the New Zealand proposal (and the similar Canadian law) adopts a catch-all approach from which a platform could be exempted if it meets conditions showing it has already significantly benefitted the New Zealand news media sector.

These conditions appear to be subjective, and provide the means by which Alphabet and Meta could seek exemptions despite the fact that, relative to their levels of commercial activity in this country, their settlements have been minimal.

The Bill provides little or no redress for those companies that have already negotiated with the multinationals – from a position of weakness. The proposed law  cannot be used to over-ride existing agreements between the digital platforms and New Zealand news media entities. Nor can it be used to renegotiate the terms of those agreements. The net effect of such provisions is to make the principal powers of the Bill a nullity in respect of some of our most significant media entities.

In my view, while the Bill has good intentions – making digital platforms pay for news content produced by others – it fails in providing adequate means for achieving that goal. Nor does it reflect in any way the need for a form of reparation. For years, these platforms have benefitted from content without payment and have decimated the business models of news producers performing civic and social functions that the platforms do not. They have both an obligation and the means to make reparations.

Neither goal will be met by a ‘bargaining framework’.  Implicit in such an arrangement is good corporate citizenship but that has not always been evident in the actions of the platforms. When Canada passed its C-18 Law, Facebook responded by blocking Canadian news links, an act that Canadian Minister of Heritage, Pascale St-Onge, called “irresponsible and unreasonable”. A review of the Australian law after the first year of operation included a request that the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission investigate whether bargaining power imbalances still exist.

Nothing in the Bill relates to a newer threat to the ownership of news content. Generative AI depends on existing data from which to construct its new ‘realities’. A significant element of that data is found on the websites and in the archives of news media. Nothing in the Bill provides redress for news media for the ‘scraping’ of their content by AI engines, the most powerful of which are likely to be owned by the platforms at which the Bill is aimed. It is a serious omission, although I acknowledge it is one that may be redressed through other legislation.

The financial state of the New Zealand news media gives cause for serious concern. That state is due in no small part to the actions and attitudes of multinational digital platforms that are immensely powerful and immensely wealthy.

The only way in which that power and wealth can be met on anything approaching equal terms is to employ undeniable sovereign power – in this case, the right of an elected government to impose taxes on business activities within its jurisdiction.

I submit that the Bill should be rewritten to reflect such determination, or that it be replaced by a new Bill that does so. The result – a sovereign fund to sustain democratically and socially significant journalism – could be the difference between a healthy civic environment and democratic deficit.

“A bill that relies — for necessary protections — on the goodwill of government is not good law”

Today the deputy director of Koi Tū The Centre for Informed Futures, Dr Anne Bardsley, and I made oral submissions to the Economic Development, Science and Innovation Committee on the Aotearoa New Zealand Public Media Bill.
I am an affiliate of the Auckland University think tank and, with its director, Sir Peter Gluckman, co-signed a major written submission that received positive comments from select committee members.

Here are links to the submission and the video of the hearing (our oral submission starts at 1:54:00).

The written submission: https://www.parliament.nz/resource/en-NZ/53SCED_EVI_125298_ED10389/779bda3dd2888ba68f3db0ff05f98ff665f459be

The video: https://www.facebook.com/EDSISCNZ/videos/3295834924005893/

Submission on proposals against incitement of hatred and discrimination in Aotearoa New Zealand

The following is a submission I made to the Ministry of Justice on 28 July 2021 relating to planned amendments to legislation for the control of hate speech.

My name is Gavin Peter Ellis. I am a media researcher and consultant. Formerly, I was editor-in-chief of the New Zealand Herald and a senior lecturer in politics and communications at the University of Auckland. I hold a Doctor of Philosophy degree in political studies. I am the author of two books and numerous articles on media. I am currently engaged (with a colleague from Melbourne University) in a study of media coverage of the Christchurch mosque attacks and subsequent prosecution. Our first paper can be accessed at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1177083X.2019.1705358. I am a former chair of the Media Freedom Committee ( a forum of all mainstream New Zealand media) and was recipient of the Commonwealth Astor Award for services to press freedom. In 2015 I was inducted as an Officer of the New Zealand Order of Merit for services to journalism.

I wish to make the following observations on proposals to amend legislation in relation to proposals against incitement and discrimination in Aotearoa New Zealand. Continue reading “Submission on proposals against incitement of hatred and discrimination in Aotearoa New Zealand”