How do we define journalism? The public needs to know

As I sat at my desk in a vague cerebral search for answers to a perplexing question, my gaze settled on two objects on my bookshelf. Far from providing those answers, the small artifacts were stark reminders of the complexities of the challenge I had set myself.

The objects were a small brass rendition of the Three Wise Monkeys and a piece of iron pyrites. The question I had set myself: What is journalism?

The presence of the small objects suddenly brought home to me the paradoxes I was confronting in trying to define an endeavour whose current public perception is, itself, adrift in an ocean of contradictions.

My Wise Monkeys exhorted me to See No Evil, Hear No Evil, Speak No Evil. In all the years since they were given to me by my mother on my first day in journalism, it has been a metaphorical reminder of the values that journalists must apply to their work. Yet reporting on evil of one sort of another was a recurring element of the journalism I have practised and observed over the past six decades. I saw evil, heard about evil, and my job was to report on it. I do not feel I, or the journalism for which I was responsible, have let my mother down. Her gift was a statement that values and standards were important. However, I also recognise the message my monkeys impart to individual members of society, and see it taking on ever-increasing validity in the toxic environment of social media.  That is a paradox.

The second inconsistency was symbolised by the piece of iron pyrites. Did Fool’s Gold sitting beside my monkeys suggest that the value of journalism that I had long embraced was illusory? Certainly, the attacks by New Zealand politicians and their supporters over the past month suggest journalists may be kidding themselves that their roles in a democratic society have real (and recognised) value. Given that democracy demands the free flow of verified facts, the devaluing of journalism by politicians might be seen as equally paradoxical…and alarming.

However, I will not crush my question into a ball and throw it into the too-hard basket. I hope the definitions I am about to offer recognise the complexities and nuances that attend the reasons why journalism exists, the means by which it is practised, and its validity in an age when ordinary members of society can be mass communicators.

Why am I bothering? After all, so many New Zealanders appear to have little regard for journalism. That is evident both in declining audience numbers on those vehicles that embrace journalism as their primary mission, and in the minimal public reactions to statements and actions that are eroding the field at a rate that has alarming similarities to the effects of climate change.

I am making the effort because it is vital that we, as a society, begin to understand the distinction between journalism and (for want of a better term) ordinary public discourse. The latter now exists in an environment that is demanding of rights but negligent on responsibilities, where motives and even identity may be readily hidden, and where fact and opinion are interchangeable or conflated into a ‘new reality’. At times, it is the antithesis of principled journalism. It is an environment readily embraced by institutions, organisations, and individuals who eschew pre-publication scrutiny in order to directly embed their messages with largely unquestioning audiences. Continue reading “How do we define journalism? The public needs to know”

Copy of a letter sent to Prime Minister and leaders of political parties one week before the decision to abolish the Broadcasting Standards Authority

28 April 2026

Dear ……,

I have had a career in journalism and academia that stretches back six decades. In that time, I have been subject to media regulation, observed it in action, reviewed its activities, and had opportunities to compare it with regulation in other jurisdictions.

Now, a controversial determination by the Broadcasting Standards Authority has been a catalyst to calls for its abolition. These recent actions were preceded by the lodging of a private member’s bill also seeking closure of the regulatory body.

These calls are indications of a broadly held view that the BSA’s empowering legislation is no longer fit for purpose. Indeed, in the decision that led to the recent calls for its removal, the BSA itself acknowledged its own long-held view that it was impaired by anachronistic law.

Simple abolition, however, could have unintended consequences and, crucially, would include the removal of a statutory right of appeal currently available to the public (under s.18/19 of the Broadcasting Act) that is not available to Media Council complainants.

The BSA situation is merely a symptom of a much wider malaise: Our entire media and information regulatory system is a creature of the past. Neither statutory nor voluntary systems fully reflect the digital environment in which we live, and the most impactful parts of the system – transnational platforms – have minimal domestic oversight.

I urge your party to see the potential abolition of the BSA as not an isolated problem to be fixed, but as an inflexion point. It is time to put aside the puncture kit and to build a new vehicle.

The imperative for change is not a need to control media and public discourse. The need lies in recognising that the technological, political, and social environments in which we live are hazardous. The citizens who elected you and under whose mandate you govern are finding each of those environments imposing negative as well as positive impacts on their lives.

These environments are complex. They have large numbers of interacting components, and it is patently obvious that they are arranged asymmetrically. Transnational platforms have come to dominate the environment, while the smaller components of the information ecosystem are subject to the most oversight.

New Zealand media’s existing regulatory bodies, each predicated on form of distribution (BSA, NZ Media Council, Classifications Office, Netsafe) or function (Advertising Standards Authority, IAB NZ), are guided first and foremost by the limitation of harm. They are beset, however, by jurisdictional overlap, representational gaps, power differentials, and technological determinism.

Abolition of the Broadcasting Standards Authority will not solve any of those problems: It will simply conflate the problems a little.

There is now an urgent need for a complete reappraisal of our media regulatory systems – both statutory and voluntary – with the stated aim of providing New Zealanders with a new regulatory regime that will serve their needs in rapidly changing times.

I caution against the adoption of any proffered ‘solution’ in the hope of affecting a quick ‘fix’ to the ‘problem’ of the BSA. It is vital that any system which replaces the current multi-agency framework is the result of broad consultation and independent consideration. Only then can it be expected to enjoy wide support from the public whose interests it would be expected to serve. No imposed ‘solution’ would enjoy such support.

I therefore urge you to support the establishment of a public enquiry to consider the creation of a new media and communications regulatory system. Such a system should be founded upon public trust, the prevention of harm, and the balancing of free expression atop those two pillars. Public trust will be more readily accrued if members of the community invest in its creation by making submissions.

An enquiry – whether it be a department-led project or a Royal Commission – would require comprehensive direction to guide its deliberations. I would like to suggest the following areas of enquiry.

  • Rationale (guiding principles e.g. prevention of harm)
  • Scope (what types of activity should be regulated)
  • Form (type of authority: statutory crown entity/statute-endorsed independent body/voluntary body)
  • Structure (How a regulatory body or bodies should be organised)
  • Appointments (how members are appointed to adjudicating bodies)
  • Jurisdiction (what powers a regulator should have)
  • Limits (what limits should be placed on those powers)
  • Models (what examples may be found in overseas jurisdictions, suggested solutions such as that by David Harvey, and the extent to which the recommendations of the 2011 Law Commission enquiry may still be applicable).

It is in New Zealand’s interest that we foster a media system in which the actions of Parliament and the Executive can be accurately relayed to the public, and on which voters can make informed decisions. An accountable media system that reflects the nation to itself is one in which the public can reside its trust.

This letter is being sent to all Parliamentary political parties because I am convinced there is a growing danger of instability within our media systems that we must all address. I urge you and your colleagues to give the matter the prompt attention it increasingly requires.

I would, of course, welcome any opportunity to discuss the matter further.

Yours sincerely,

Dr Gavin Ellis ONZM MA PhD

NZ’s World Press Freedom ranking should be sounding alarms

Let’s make no bones about it: New Zealand’s demotion in the latest World Press Freedom index is a disgrace. But who cares?

World Press Freedom Day last Sunday was not a day for New Zealanders to celebrate – we have fallen six places and are no longer in the top 20 nations on the index – but, frankly, it’s a day that passes largely unnoticed by the average Kiwi.

It ranks with the likes of World No-tobacco day (May 31, in case you didn’t know) and the International Day of the Snow Leopard (October 23).

The brutal truth is that, although most New Zealanders consume news one way or another, they have little regard for the health of the institutions that are the primary providers.

It does not matter whether the news is consumed through mainstream media or via the second, third or fourth iterations created on social media: It must first be sought, sifted, scribed, and recorded by journalists. Most of those journalists work within organisations dedicated to the craft of newsgathering.

Journalists themselves care about the state of the environment in which they do their jobs. So do the bodies that employ them. Academics who study them care about that environment and so, too, do a relatively small number who understand its importance to civil society. Most, however, do not give the state of our media a second thought. Continue reading “NZ’s World Press Freedom ranking should be sounding alarms”